A “Jakarta School?”: Nita’s Response

Nita Says:

Thanks a lot for responding my comment and wrote it down as a new posting. My point was actually triggered by my own curiosity. Indeed, dealing with science or studies and whether it is necessary to sort of “regionalizing” or “localizing” them are rather trivial subjects to explore. After a few years in the past dealing with European security and now being a new kid on the block with regard to Southeast Asian security, I always have a question whether we really need to have a “Jakarta School” instead of developing the existence schools from the Western world, like one of the Copenhagen School. I believe it is always “nice” to have a “Jakarta School”, a “Singapore School” or any kind of labeling that we want to add, but the two pivotal questions are: does it mean that at the end we will sort of segregate knowledge and science based on its “spatiality”? Isn’t it really the matter of need or rather as a prestige to have ‘our own’ approach?

For sure, optimistic scholars will not buy the argument of “the sake of prestige”, even though some of them also still have no clear idea how to detach themselves from the Western approach. They could be Asian, Africans, or people who come from Latin America. But most of them are studying in the Western world, or at least they read Western literatures. Therefore, detaching ourselves from the root of the knowledge is another complicated story to tell. Moreover, as you pointed out, and I also cannot deny, language barrier indeed matters.

In the literatures of IR, we learn that there have been debates on theories and methodologies. Scholars raised new ontological questions and revised their epistemological perspectives. And security is one of the most interesting fields in which I consider “regionalizing” of school of thought is somewhat necessary. One of the explanations is quite simple, as what I’ve learned from Alagappa’s masterpiece on Asian Security, as follows: if we talk about regional security, for instance, it can be investigated independently from any other regions; in contrast with the economic domain where regional economic activities are becoming integrated into the global economy, the security domain seems to be witnessing the development of a more independent regional system. Of course I can not and will not argue that developing a specific school corresponds to the Third World is a simple task.

What I am also trying to say here is that there is always a space for local/regional scholars to (still) pursue their dreams of exposing the peculiarities of their region, which also includes constructing a future “Jakarta School”. By paraphrasing Alexander Wendt: “security is what scholars/people make of it…” (but after all, I am a realist at heart, but constructivist on paper). So, keep up the good work in constructing and deconstructing ideas…

©2007May 27th, 2007 at 1:29 pm (Nita)

A “Jakarta School?”: A Response to Nita

This feed is taken from my comment to Nita who is now studying in Italy. I decided to bring forward into the front page because I think it is an important issue to be addressed. Responding to my review on “Non-Traditional Security in Asia: Dilemma of Securitization”, NITA wrote on May 17, 2007 as follow:

[....Instead of having the “Copenhagen School” for theorizing “securitization”, I think Asian countries, or broadly speaking the Third World, should develop a different perspective on securitization. As the issues to be securitized are broader than those in the Western hemisphere, there are also a lot of features of the works of Buzan, Waever, and co. which do not perfectly fit the political and security contexts within which Third World countries operate. Maybe it is time for “Jakarta School” to better theorize the above phenomenon…
Bapak, ditunggu tulisan-tulisan berikutnya…”

MY RESPONSE:Hi Nita,
Thanks for your intriguing comment. I apologise for belated response as in the last month I am bz concentrating on editing my thesis.
Well regarding your critics to the conceptual building of “Copenhagen school” in IR or security studies, I am in line with you that ideally kind of concept(s) and theory(ies) could emerged from Asia or/and developing world. As I mentioned in the chapter on the concept of ‘securitization’ is easily mislead to be applied in some countries in developing world, because ‘securitization’ may end-up with politicization and ‘criminalization. To some extent. For country such as Indonesia, there had been a situation where, in the past, similar types of securitization been applied during the Pak Harto’s Orde Baru regime, however, the regime used very soft word (euphemism) under the banner of harmony, security and stability. In sum, I also mentioned that dealing with securitization, for some country, there is a need to address ‘semantic issues’ as well as the ‘political set-up’. By ‘political set-up here, I mean that ‘securitization’ require ‘democratic political system’ so there will be ‘checks and balances’ when such policies (i.e., securitization) went wrong.

Moreover, with regards the needs to develop theory from Asia or developing world, I am totally agree with you, because there are a lot of local wisdom that needs to be addressed locally or regionally. I remember about three years ago I have an email exchange with my Australian colleague who is now reside in the Netherlands, he said to me that there are lots of Asian wisdom that not extracted in theory building in social sciences (in our field is IR & Security). I have bee thinking since I write my thesis that there is serious problem in the lacking of Asia theories in social science, but I tell you, the problem was not in the construction and sophistication of the subject matter, rather, it is because the hegemony of the English language in the discourse on social sciences. Means any Asian if they would like to write an international standard it must be written in English, and this is the problem for Asian, because English is not their language.

While, several studies in politics, IR, International management, may of them have paid attention to cultural issues e.g., Geertz Hofstede in management science, or Snyder, Colin Gray, Alastair Johnston, Peter Katzeinstein, etc who have paid attention to cultural issues in IR. But, I think we can borrow the idea from Ken Booth on the aspect of ethnocentrism, I mean from his book Strategy and Ethnocentrism, that in deferent meaning, there is also ethnocentrism issues in development of social sciences (not only is strategic studies).

So, such great idea to develop an endogenous concept that born from the developing world to address the issues (politico-security) i.e., in Asian region is badly needed in near future as many problem becoming worst just because of the ‘narrow-minded’ thinking in formulating (security or military) policies such as we seen such as the US military operation Iraq or Afghanistan than created more problem rather than to solve it.

As a final remark, try to see some writings like Mohammad Ayoob on The Third World Predicament, or other book from Chung-I-Moon, or say the Article written by Kishore Mahbubani, few years ago in Foreign Affairs (I forget the exact time of publication), or Muthiah Alagappa or Amitav Acharya they are among great contribution to the conceptual discourse on IR in Souhteast Asia / Asia Pacific from non-European perspectives/scholars.

Finally, the door is open for us to contribute to the development of concepts or theories in IR from our region –possibly what you mentioned as a “Jakarta school”.

Salam dari Shrivenham, Oxfordsire

©2007/05/27

Non-Traditional Security in Asia: Dilemma of Securitization

Riefqi Muna, “Securitizing small arms and drug trafficking in Indonesia”, in Mely Caballero-Anthony, Ralf Emmers and Amitav Acharya (eds), Non-Traditional Security in Asia: Dilemma of Securitization. Ashgate Publishers, 2006. ISBN: 0 7546 4701 3

This book analyse the security issues confronting Asia are both complex and diverse. Given the increasing trend towards an expanding security agenda beyond the military dimension of inter–state relations, this volume provides an extensive study of emerging non-traditional challenges to this region. New realities and new challenges have come to the fore including environmental degradation, illegal immigration, infectious diseases, transnational crime, poverty and underdevelopment.

Drawing upon the concepts of securitization and de-securitization, this book brings together regional perspectives from across Asia to examine how these challenges are perceived and managed. It is a valuable contribution to both security and Asian studies and will be ideally suited to those interested in security studies, international relations and development studies.

In this book I contribute a chapter on Indonesia, especially looking at the aspect of securitization of Small Arms and Drug Trafficking as case study in transnational security threats. In this chapter, I argue that the theory of ‘securitization” (Copenhagen School) is lacking its operationalisation. The theory did not pay attention to the political landsacape of securitizing process which is very crucial in determining the behavior of securitizing actor and its outcome. Securitization/ de-securitization as policy framing requires a democratic of political system –otherwise, there is a risks of being ‘abused and misused’ of the concept by the regime on behalf of security for the benefit of the regime and not to protects the people.

©2006/08/01. Riefqi Muna

“Future Navy Development”: Uneasy process

On 31 July 2006, Chief of Indonesian Navy, Admiral Slamet Seobijanto outlines the plan for the development of Navy capabilities. The plan is actually restating what have been revealed last year on the “green water navy” capability project.

This plan is crucial to secure entire Indonesia archipelago from different kind of risks and threats. So far, limitations of equiptments is among the main hindrance. However, to achieve the plan it is far from reality due to financial constrain. Development of Navy and other forces will depends on the success of national economic recovery. Otherwise, it just a dream.

Related aspect that needs attention is the reform of acquisition process –integrating all acquisition through Ministry of Defence (Departemen Pertahanan) will be one of the key factor in promoting democratic governance of defence forces.

Last year, Minister of Defence Juwono Sudarsono has issued the package of regulation called “Integrity Pact –Pakta Integritas” to reform and streamlining the process of military acquisition. To operationalise this regulation, there is needs of strong commitment from the three brances (AD, AL, AU) and Mabes TNI to uphold the principles of governance in the process acquisition of military hardware (alutsista) in a democratic based political system.

As a reference: see my entry on “green water navy capability” that I posted yesterday. ©2006/31/07 Riefqi Muna

Indonesia aims for ‘green water navy’ capability

Indonesia aims for ‘green water navy’ capability

By Riefqi Muna JDW Special Correspondent
London

Chief of the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) Admiral Slamet Soebijanto has outlined plans to develop the service’s overall capabilities.

Earlier this month Adm Soebijanto reiterated his intention to implement a major restructuring of naval forces. This would serve as the prelude to a broader development programme unveiled three years ago – an internal plan known as the ‘TNI-AL Blueprint 2004-2013′.

Adm Soebijanto previously stated that the long-term aim was to establish an effective ‘green water navy’ by 2020.

“A green water navy represents a level of sea power higher than that of a brown water (or coastal) navy but below a full blue water navy,” he explained in an internal document.

The proposed restructuring would see the TNI-AL come under a single command known as the Panglima Armada RI, which would be established in Surabaya. Under the current structure, there are two independent fleets.

The restructuring is aimed at making the navy more flexible and responsive in protecting Indonesia’s vast territorial waters, together with three vital sea lines of communication. However, no timetable has been released.

Sources said the delay is due to funding constraints. Efforts to synchronise with army and air force restructuring plans may also be a factor in order to avoid internal conflict over resources.

207 of 418 words

[End of non-subscriber extract.]The full version of this article is accessible through our subscription services. Contact JDW for infomation

Note: I wrote this report for JDW 27 June 2005. However, the contains remain relevant for Indonesian security discussion.

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Indonesia: Needs More Standing Forces for the UN Peace Operations

To response the new war in Lebanon, Indonesia calls for immediate ceasefire. It was also reported that Indonesia will prepare a battalion for the UN peacekeeping operation in Lebanon if needed.

Indonesian has actively sent its military (and police) personnel’s for the UN peacekeeping for many years back UN Peace Operation in Congo and Sinai. Since then it has regularly send the troops to contribute to the UN operations in many places. Regionally, Indonesia sends its largest component to Cambodia during the UN initiative to bring peace and democracy in Cambodia war. In addition, there has been substantial peace support operation in the Southern Philippines few years ago.

Currently, according to the latest report fro the UN Peacekeeping Operations (30 June 2006) reported that Indonesia is in the ranking of 44 in providing troops and police for UN peacekeeping for the total of 208 personnel. It is below Guatemala (216), Bolivia (231) and slightly higher than Burkina Faso (174) personnel’s. While, traditionally, the largest suppliers of peacekeepers are Bangladesh (10,310), Pakistan (9,793), India (9,054) and Nepal (3,516) officers.

So, despite of its involvement in the UN peace operations, Indonesia never able to send substantial number of troops to the UN operations. Indonesian troop’s contribution t o the UN is below Ethiopia (2,771). This is due to the fact that Indonesia does not have standing force that deployable any time when the UN needs Indonesian contributing for PKO.

Looking to this reality –it is time for Indonesia to build Peacekeeping Centre PKC (or whatever the name) so it will have standing force that ready on call if the UN needs support. The Indonesian constitution is clearly stated that Indonesia will have to contribute to international peace and security.

The creation of PK-C will give many benefits for Indonesia and international community: (1). It is Indonesian contribution to promote world peace; (2). Good for professional technical expertise in conducting peace mission, PKO; (3) experiencing with interaction with multinational forces at operational and tactical level; (4) as a mode of Indonesian contribution to humanity; (5). Provide better training and experience for the troops; (6) lastly, is an image branding for Indonesia in International arenas.

In this situation, to strengthen and improve the Indonesian contribution to PKO, it needs political decision to establish Peacekeeping section in Indonesian armed forces. The establishment of PKC will help Indonesia future international relations and in turn it will also change the orientation of military of being inward looking into more outward looking to participate in global peace and security. ©Riefqi Muna: 30/July/2006

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Handbook of the Sociology of the Military, by Guiseppe Caforio

Guiseppe Caforio, Handbook of the Sociology of the Military (Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research). New York: Kluwer Academic Press, 2003. ISBN: 0-306-47295-3

[Review] This book is very useful reference for those who study and have interest on military studies or civil-military relations in general. The book is comprehensively covers many area of the military organisation and society. Never before has there been so extensive a collection of what has been thought, said, and written about the sociology of the military. This accessible handbook is the first of its kind to delve into the sociological approach to the study of the military. This book is compiled of documents coming from various researchers at universities around the world as well as military officers devoted to the sector of study. Covered in this volume is a historical excursus of studies prior to contemporary research, interpretive models and theoretical approaches developed specifically for this topic, civic-military relations including issues surrounding democratic control of the armed forces, military culture, professional training, conditions and problems of minorities in the armed forces, an examination of the structural change within the military over the years including new duties and functions following the Cold War. This book is ideal for scholars of the subject as well as those coming to the sociology of the military for the first time. [Amazon]